The Macina witnessed a massive conversion to Islam in previous years, which provided new organisational rules for its population and served as a pretext to unsettle Bambara domination. On 14 September 2008, a fight broke out in Gao between a group of Ganda Iso (allegedly led by Diallo) and the men of Gamou. Their positions have been well understood by Bamako, which regularly used Tuareg divisions to weaken the rebel movements.The Songhay have lived in northern Mali (especially in the Gao region) since the 9th century,‍The illustrious history of the Songhay and their significant contribution to Mali’s prosperity and prestige help to explain their attachment to the territorial integrity of Mali and their good political relationships with the central state. 22 coup d’état toppled the government of President Amadou Toumani Touré, and an influx of weapons from Libya, the rebels managed to sweep across the north of Mali andThis may have been slightly premature. Iyad ag Ghali regularly played the role of high-level fixer under ATT’s regimes. Interestingly, in an audio message released in 2015, Iyad ag Ghaly, leader of Ansar Dine, referred to combatants in central Mali without mentioning the MLF but giving words of encouragement to “the lions of Macina and Douentza”. The Tuareg are a people that have lived in northern Mali “as early as the fifth century BCE” [1] according to Herodotus.

General El Hadj Gamou is one of the most influential members of this community. Rebel groups decided to coordinate into a ‘Coordination des mouvements et fronts unifiés de l’Azawad’ in order to negotiate the National Pact. The choice made by the Malian post-colonial authorities to repress the rebellion, and their refusal to address the root causes of the crisis (i.e., political recognition of northern specificities and a special status for the region), helped to sustain the conflict for years.
Among the Idnan, influent members are Mohamed ag Erlaf (former coordinator of the PSPSDN and current Minister for Environment), Nina Walet Intallou (influential political leader of the MNLA) and Colonel Mohamed ag Najim, the military leader of the MNLA.

Iyad ag Ghali led the Alliance for Democracy and Change (ADC) with Ibrahim ag Bahanga and Hassan ag Fagaga, who later decided to split and create the North Mali Alliance for Change (ATNMC). The two communities have played a major political role in Mali’s history and have never accepted that Tuareg grievances were overshadowing their own needs. Excessive militarisation of the problems in the north, the failure to address the economic dimension of the crisis, and discretionary benefits dispensed to a small number of affiliated or friendly clans, have exacerbated tensions. Two northern militias were set up by Bamako to fight against the new North Mali Tuareg Alliance for Change (ATNMC), an armed group led by Ibrahim ag Bahanga in opposition to Iyad ag Ghali’s leadership.After Algeria, Libya volunteered to negotiate with ag Bahanga. In exchange, armed groups agreed to not disturb the presidential electoral process. Historical lack of understanding and mutual distrust between Bamako and its northern territory have played an important role in Malian instability for decades. Boas, M. and Torheim, L.E., ‘The Trouble in Mali: Corruption, collusion and resistance’, To a certain extent, MUJAO acted in the same way in the Gao region. The Iwellemmedan, a noble cast of Tuareg pastoralists, have historically played a huge role in the region, especially during the colonial era when it led the 1914-1916 rebellions against the French army. Reports suggest that they are far from being in control of the situation and are competing with several Islamist groups in the region.One group, Ansar Dine, led by former Tuareg rebel leader Iyad Ag Ghali, has expressed his group’s desire to apply Sharia law in the region. On the contrary, 12 Tuareg representatives (out of 147) and numerous Tuareg territorial councillors, including Iyad ag Ghali himself, have represented northern interests in Bamako. tive combatants from armed forces and groups, including a phase of “re insertion” ... Contraband, Jihad and the Mali War of 2012-2013 (London: Ashgate, 2014), pp. Child combatants had been seen in the ranks of the Tuareg rebels, namely the Movement for the National Liberation of Azawaad (MNLA).


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