Despite years of relative peace following the formation of the 2nd republic, Habyarimana's goals of reconciliation ultimately failed. Furthermore, inter-marriage particularly in the Southern region of the country furthered suspicion over Hutu or Tutsi paternity. The Germans were not interested in disrupting social affairs – their sole concern was the efficient extraction of natural resources and trade of profitable cash crops. "Debate on Michael Mann’s ‘The Dark Side of Democracy: Explaining Ethnic Cleansing and Nationalism’." Furthermore, inter-marriage particularly in the Southern region of the country furthered suspicion over Hutu or Tutsi paternity.The end of the genocide resulted in the election of a Tutsi government—the However, in identifying victims and survivors, some Rwandans are left to be identified as perpetrators. Also established, in the public view, was the ever-present threat of external Tutsi invasion, the suspicion of which often translated to reprisals against the domestic Tutsi population.

The Germans were not interested in disrupting social affairs – their sole concern was the efficient extraction of natural resources and trade of profitable cash crops. pp. The long process of constructing ethnicity, however, continued and strengthened in post-colonial years.The predominant American theory regarding this period is that as Belgium’s era of colonial dominance over Rwanda drew to a close during the 1950s, the Hutu and Tutsi, as racial identities, had been firmly institutionalized. Disorganized reprisal killings against Tutsi were carried out at the local level, with minimal government intervention. The Tutsi’s native language is the Rwanda-Rundi which is subdivided into Kinyarwanda and Kirundi. 2004: 8, 1. p. 68. This becomes increasingly problematic as all Hutus are deemed perpetrators—where their survival of the genocide seems to imply some form of complicity with the former government. "Racialization of Hutu and Tutsi identities Under KayibandaEthnization of Hutu/Tutsi identity under HabyarimanaRacialization of Hutu and Tutsi identities Under KayibandaEthnization of Hutu/Tutsi identity under HabyarimanaMichael C. Campbell, Sarah A. Tishkoff, African Genetic Diversity: Implications for Human Demographic History, Modern Human Origins, and Complex Disease Mapping, Annual Review of Genomics and Human Genetics Vol. Eds. The emerging Hutu counter-elite provided a voice to the majority “Hutu” people, via a series of political proclamations and, later, sweeping electoral victories. In his stated quest to redress historical wrongs, Habyarimana committed the government to a policy of “reconciliation.”However, a reclassification of the Hutu/Tutsi differentiation from racial to ethnic was not equivalent to a repudiation of the differentiation itself, and discrimination was still prevalent in society and policy. However, Fornarino et al. The Belgians just took all tall blacks in the area and named them Tutsi. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001. p. 347.Tiemessen, Alana E. "After Arusha: Gacaca Justice in Post-Genocide Rwanda." However, the arrival of European colonizers would later exploit group divisions as a means of securing control. The Tutsis are thought to have originally come from Ethiopia and arrived after the Hutu came from  (2009) found their mixed Hutu and Tutsi samples from Rwanda to be predominately of Bantu origin, with minor gene flow from Afro-Asiatic communities (17.7% Afro-Asiatic genes found in the mixed Hutu/Tutsi population).When Europeans first explored the region around the Great Lakes of Chad that has since became Rwanda, they created an interpretation of the people found in the region as three racially distinct tribes, coexisting in a complex social order: the Tutsi, Hutus, and Twa. This left the extremist Tutsi in exile as the only remaining Tutsi political force in the region, and prime targets for future demonization.By the end of 1963, PARMEHUTU had established its political supremacy in Rwanda, with Kayibanda as president.

Additionally, when Rwanda conquered the peoples on its borders, their ethnic identities were cast aside and they were simply labeled “Hutu”. She further pushes Hutus and Tutsi as separate race. One month later, the Hutu political elites responded with their own declaration, the "At the beginning of the Social Revolution of 1959 two years later, four major political parties emerged: two Tutsi monarchist parties, In the ensuing provisional elections, the nationalist party of By the end of 1963, PARMEHUTU had established its political supremacy in Rwanda, with Kayibanda as president.

This document called for a double liberation of the Hutu people, first from the race of white colonials, and second from the race of Hamitic oppressors, the Tutsi.

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